What is preparing to elect the new head of state from Monday 24 January is a weakened Parliament, if not even delegitimized as many constitutionalists also argue, following the drastic reduction of its members already carried out by the referendum, objectively destabilized by the mass passage of displaced persons and exiles from one group to another and according to the polls very little representative of the popular will.
And, probably, if the great voters had only minimally present these simple, compelling truths and were not only obsessed by the terror of early voting and / or the fear of not reaching the coveted retirement, the usual dance for the Hill two weeks after first call would be a little less chaotic, demeaning and indecent. Suffice it to consider B.’s self-nomination who, while intensifying the sign-up campaign, alternates flattery with threats: “Without Draghi Prime Minister Forza Italia leaves the majority and goes to the vote”. The widespread concern among observers and responsible citizens is due to the fact that, while it is true that the current guests of Parliament in a relatively short time will free the benches where a good third of them will not return to their seats, the damage to the credibility of the institutions produced from an election for various reasons disrespectful of constitutional principles e inadequate with respect to gravity of the moment would be very relevant and irreparable.
What then could further affect the correctness of the vote a number of absences due to contagions and quarantines quantifiable in the order of 100/150, according to the projections from here to 24 and days to follow, he explained to Uan hour and 1/2 more the constitutionalist Francesco Clementi, stressing that every measure must be put in place to ensure the presence of the 1009. But the problems to adequately protect the great voters are many and are not solved only by making more classrooms available or with the very hypothetical and controversial introduction of remote voting: there would also be the situation, to be remedied in a very short time with a preferential lane, of the without Super green pass unable to travel by plane or ferry.
A situation so serious and exceptional that it even induced a long-standing (and experienced) parliamentarian like Osvaldo Napoli, now arrived at Coraggio Italia, to foreshadow, in the case of a number of absences that the fourth vote prevented from reaching the quorum of 505 voters, an appeal to Mattarella to induce him to remain in the regime of extension, probably until the end of the legislature. And how much the desire or the dream of continuity spreads from many sides has been plastically confirmed by the almost unanimous pressure of the senators of the M5S on Conte in favor of Mattarella’s encore, as well as by the formalization of the proposal to confirm it at Colle by the Young Turks Matteo Orfini and Francesco Verducci, who claim to represent “a widespread sensitivity in the Democratic Party”.
The fact that an option blatantly excluded by the interested party has returned to the field, and which seemed definitively archived, is to be connected not only and exclusively to the new (fairly predictable) pandemic wave triggered by the variants and not even to the sincere and irrepressible expression of esteem that Italian citizens continue to reserve to the Head of State, at La Scala as at the Rome Film Fest, in the squares as in the polls. The revival of the Mattarella option seems almost an indirect response to the enormous disappointment tinged with revenge and panic that dominated the parliamentary groups after the press conference at the end of the year in which President Mario Draghi expressed his willingness (as well as his desire) to move to Colle. And although he had been asked by many and in a loud voice to express himself, to stop hiding behind the jokes, to finally be transparent, “he was ill at fault”. It was like uncovering the Pandora’s box of intolerance, of the desire for revenge, of frustrations of the parties of its heterogeneous extra-large majority, as if they had been taken hostage and maneuvered without their knowledge by the evil puppeteer, who, after using them, intended to climb the institutional top up to the Quirinale.
And in the meantime, day after day, the multicolored congregation is expanding, invoking its role with heartfelt appeals. fundamental and necessary to the Government to bolt it to Palazzo Chigi. As the difficulties increase, the parties are increasingly divided and quarrelsome in view of the electoral campaign and, as expected, the big admirers media have begun to redeem him as a former Supermario.
There is not only Matteo Salvini to stop him bluntly because “he cannot abandon work in progress”, adding that he is personally committed “to the election of a center-right president after thirty years“, And it does so supported by the deputy secretary of the Lega Attilio Fontana and by numerous and influential governors, also suggesting that without Draghi the League would withdraw from the government. Obviously, in addition to the self-nominated candidate from Arcore who sees Draghi as the most consistent obstacle, the chorus of the super alarmed, also joined at home by two sponsors – or at least self-proclaimed as such – of the stature of Carlo Calenda and Matteo Renzi, despite this’ the latter has been involved for months on the Casini / Berlusconi front (plan A and plan B respectively); and from the USA persino Goldman Sachs he decided to express apprehension and announce “significant market implications” following a possible move to Colle and consequent uncertainties for a new government.
In summary, it would seem that in this last and decisive glimpse of the vaguely macabre quirinalizia dance, thanks also to the “opportunity” of the fourth wave, the anathema already launched by Augusto Minzolini, in the front row for the election of B. , against “Draghi deserter” if he goes to the Quirinale. Thus the voices, mostly smug, of his multiply probable renunciation of the race for the Colle. And a staunch supporter of his election by a large majority before the fourth vote, such as Paolo Mieli, believes that his withdrawal from the competition for the Quirinale is possible, given that “a perfect system has been created to destroy it”, but also speculates that he will just give up everything. the pandemic situation will allow this given that “no one has nominated him for the Quirinale but everyone is thinking of replacing him at Palazzo Chigi”.
And there would be nothing particularly new under the sky of politics and information in Italy: from “holy immediately” to “out of the game” the step is short, not from today, and now more than ever. As for the Quirinale, if there was any chance of prestigious nominations or at least decent and not “worn” no problem: but as long as there are B. or Casellati, of whom little is said but is the woman of the center-right, or Giuliano Amato and Pierferdinando Casini (on the left?) we can only trust that Mattarella “agrees” (and has the votes not discounted by Salvini and Giorgia Meloni) but also regret a little for the exclusion of Draghi.